Ordinary moments in the midst of terror

As a young teenager in the early 1990s, I was deeply shaken and transformed by the movie Au revoir les enfants ("Goodbye, Children"), a 1987 French film, about the friendship between two boys, Julien and Jean, at a Catholic boarding school during World War II. In the film, Jean is Jewish, and he is abducted along with other children and the school headmaster by Nazi authorities at the end of the movie. It was based on the real experiences of the director, Louis Malle, who attended just such a school where Jewish children were hidden and then taken away during the war.

The film was one of the least graphic or horrific Holocaust stories I was exposed to as a teenager. So, why did it affect me so deeply?

There are images from that film that have circulated in my thoughts regularly for decades now—the boys playing practical jokes, playing outside, sitting in class, complaining about school lunches, and getting into minor trouble. The vast majority of the film is regular life, and that was completely intentional, not poor pacing on Malle’s part. His whole point was how normal life was.

Yes, he was aware of tensions and wild stuff going on during that time, but mostly it felt distant. There’s one scene in a restaurant where a Jewish man is recognized and harassed. That’s one of the few times anything comes up, but even that isn’t the point. The point of the scene and what gets most of the camera’s attention is how quickly everyone in the restaurant went back to eating and talking normally.

A peaceful creek and a small stack of stones for meditation - image by Arie Farnam

About a year after I first saw that movie I went to Germany as an exchange student and I couldn’t get it out of my head. My German host family was often pretty harsh. They weren’t told ahead of time that I’m legally blind, and they were upset. We were sitting at dinner and my host father snapped, “That’s unacceptable!” My host mother explained in a somewhat more moderate tone, “But we hoped you would be friends with our daughter,” as if that was now impossible, which proved to be true.

One of the biggest problems was that I couldn’t go to school with their daughter who was a year younger than me, because German schools did not allow students with disabilities to attend mainstream public schools at the time (in 1992). My host mother, who I believe did try to be kind despite my prickly teenage exterior, arranged for me to attend an all-girls private Catholic school.

And the only reason I could attend was because I had buckled to my mother’s protective pressure and marked my religion as “Protestant” on my official exchange agency forms. I was about as Protestant as the Dalai Lama. The problem was that the form only had Catholic, Protestant, Jewish, and Buddhist options. There wasn’t even an option for Muslims, let alone Pagans. There was no “other” category, which I would have happily chosen. I wanted to check Buddhist, just to mess with them, even though my family wasn’t remotely Buddhist either. Mama said I should choose Protestant because at least she was raised Protestant, though she wasn’t really anymore, and I had been raised on Greek, Norse and Native American myths.

Well, I didn’t know until I’d been at the school a week or so, but you could only attend that school if you were a card carrying Catholic or Protestant. Fortunately, some friendly classmates realized the problem before any of the adults. They also knew that the alternative would be that I would be sent away to an institutional school for the blind.

So, they protected me and taught me to fake being a Protestant, how to cross myself in the correct direction (the opposite of the Catholic students) and how to pretend some knowledge in our special Protestant religion classes held in the school basement. I was almost caught when the Protestant religion teacher asked me what people in America say about Martin Luther, and I thought he meant MLK because I had never heard of the original. Sensing that I was about to screw things up royally, one of my friends stomped hard on my foot under the desk, and I got the message and shut my mouth and refused to say another word.

I couldn’t help feeling a romantic thrill at the age of 16, that I—like Jean in the movie that had awakened me to the seriousness of political realities beyond teenage lives—was hiding in a Catholic school because I was from the wrong religion. At the same time, I knew that comparing my situation to a story from the Holocaust was both stupid and offensive. So, I never mentioned it to anybody. But I never forgot.

And when the grandfather of my host family took me under his wing and provided the only truly loving and warm welcome I got in that family, I listened to him with deep attention. Opa, as we called him, had been drafted into the Nazi army as a young man.

Being a romantic young girl, I wanted desperately to see him as good, so I never grilled him on exactly how it had happened, whether he had known how bad the Nazis were when he was drafted or whether he had tried to evade or escape. But he was very clear on the morality as an old man. He impressed upon me vehemently and repeatedly that ordinary Germans were responsible for what happened, and that he should have done more to stop the war and the Holocaust. He was sent to the Eastern Front, where he was among 90,000 German soldiers captured at Stalingrad. And he was among the mere 5,000 of those who survived the gulags.

He was one of the first people I had ever met who had a truly earth-shaking life story. He may well have been responsible for a large part of my switch from wanting to be a lawyer, who could take on injustice in the courts, to wanting to be a journalist. The idea that I could interview people, the way I talked to Opa, and hear first hand the really important stories in the world and tell the world about them, became all consuming to me within a year after hearing his tales of the war and his survival.

But the thing that stayed the clearest in my mind was one gray Saturday, sitting at the kitchen table with him, mugs of tea in front of us, when he was telling me and a friend about the rise of the Nazis and how ordinary people had been roped into the whole system, he turned to me specifically and said, “You have to understand this. It can happen anywhere. It could happen in your country.”

I had protested the first Gulf War in early 1991 at the age of fourteen, which was another part of my political awakening. I had started hearing about US-backed dictatorships and death squads that had ravaged Latin America in the 1970s and 1980s, things that had happened in my much shorter lifetime. I believed him.

And I have basically been doing what that German grandpa urged me to do ever since—paying attention, documenting whatever I can, standing up and loudly saying “no” when I have to, being ready to run or hide or fight back if necessary. Today, I am amazed that old man saw the U.S. in that context all those years ago. I was a rebellious teenager after all. Of course, I thought the government and mainstream society was likely to be evil.

But Opa saw warning signs—a belligerence and propensity to go to war first and use diplomacy later, a willingness to support dictators, torture and violence in our allies, widespread, vocal racism and lack of real redress of past injustices, the concept of “America first,” runaway corporate capitalism, income inequality spiraling out of control compared to the rest of the world, and worst of all, the flimsy and outmoded American electoral system that had turned the U.S. into a de facto two-party state, where most people felt that they had no real representation. Even in 1992, that was clear to an old man in Germany who had seen where such things can lead.

Today, my heart breaks. Opa, I failed. I tried. I really did try—as a journalist and as a citizen. I cried out against each increasing wave of war, tolerance for torture, surveillance, violence against peaceful protesters, repression of free media, electoral manipulation, legalized bribery, propaganda, racialized policies and rhetoric, etc. In the early 2000s, people used to mock me for it, not just Americans but also Europeans. My European friends have most definitely stopped laughing about my propensity for political protest.

I’m glad Opa didn’t live to see 2026. It would break his heart.

I’m working as hard as I can still, but I’m exhausted. We all are. I spend an inordinate amount of time juggling healthcare bureaucracy for my son and me. My son’s cheekbone and eye socket were shattered in a baseball accident a few weeks ago, and it’s been a nightmare ensuring that he has adequate medical care. And maintaining what remains of our health insurance is a constant running battle.

But on a Sunday, Mama and I finally manage to bundle my 96-year-old grandma into the car and drive to a nearby wading pool at a local creek for a few moments of relief. In the back seat, on the way there, I scroll through my phone and come across a video sent by friends from the other side of the state. A woman holds the phone and you can hear in her voice that she’s crying. She points the camera toward an imposing razor wire fence, several fences, in fact, in layers around an industrial-scale compound.

At first, I don’t understand. And then it hits me with force just as I hear the voices, distant cries, many many voices, dozens at least. They sound like women. There are shadows against the distant wire fences, many hands raised, splayed fingers, grasping.

“We are trying! We are trying to get you out!” the woman with the phone yells, her voice breaking into sobs.

I read the note that came with it. An ICE detention center in Tacoma, Washington. My limbs feel impossibly heavy. I clench my throat to keep back any sound. My mother and grandma in the front seat don’t need to know this. My grandma with dementia wouldn’t understand. And Mama knows full well. She often crumples under the weight of it. I’ll tell her about it later, when she’s not driving.

My friend writes that the people in the concentration camp—and yes, these fit the international definition of concentration camps, with massive numbers of detainees rounded up based primarily on ethnicity and held indefinitely until their legal status can be ascertained, including many U.S. citizens—are women, at least on this side of the complex. The landscape around it is bleak and isolated.

We arrive at the creek and my cell phone has no signal. We sit on folding chairs with our feet in the water, eating a picnic lunch and watching children splash and families lounge on the grass. My mind returns again to Au revoir les enfants after all these years. There were scenes like this in the movie. People relaxing, playing, swimming, eating picnic lunches. These things are not incompatible with concentration camps in the same country.

I hear the little boys yelling, “Soldier! Soldier, come on! This way!" as they slide down the brisk stream. At first, I think they’re playing at soldiers, but as I listen it becomes clear. It’s one boy they call Soldier, with the intonation of a name. The mothers call out to him by that name. In this country, some people name their child “Soldier.” In this red county, I know most of the people here wouldn’t know about the concentration camps and if they were told they would argue that “Those are only for criminals,” or “Well, they shouldn’t have broken the law coming here,” and so on. The discomfort of having read a fair amount of history is that I know that’s how the Nazi concentration camps started too. They claimed the people rounded up in camps and deported were criminals.

When we head back to the car, Mama takes my grandma to the bathroom and I go to the car with my dog Conway and load our chairs and coolers. I hear a family talking as they get out of their vehicle next to us. Pleasant chatter. Then, my mind snaps to the fact that it’s in Spanish. With the way things are, I straighten up and scan the gravel parking lot, checking that there is no one suspicious around. It’s reflex. After that video, I can’t help but worry.

Local friends often say, “We would like to help people, but there aren’t any immigrants here.”

But there are. I listen in the grocery store and at out of the way places like this. There are plenty of Spanish speakers in our local area, if you’re paying attention, but they don’t go anywhere much, not if they can help it. Just food, work, and recreation in the most out of the way spots—like this.

I hear a woman sharp whisper and a second latter pattering little feet. I turn and there’s a tiny girl with black pigtails toddling up to my dog, an older woman a few steps behind, trying to catch her.

"¡Sí, sí, puedes!" I squat down next to Conway, who is delighted, wagging his tail furiously and exercising admirable self control by not lunging forward. He loves attention from little kids.

The little girl reaches out a hand tentatively toward his soft ears. The woman has stopped just short of grabbing her up.

"Es muy amable,” I try, scrambling for something from my Duolingo lessons. That probably isn’t the right word for a nice dog, but it’s the best I can do on short notice.

"¿Español?" The woman sounds surprised. The little girl smiles, pats Conway and then darts away toward the car next to ours.

I glance up at the woman and smile. I want to ask, “Are you okay? Do you need any help? Be careful out there. Do you know who to call if you run into trouble?” I don’t have any “red cards” with me, but I have my doubt about how useful those really are anyway. I also don’t want to add fear or suspicion to a pleasant interaction, so we just smile awkwardly and then the woman chases after the toddler, to keep her from veering out into the parking lot.

A few minutes later, I’m getting into the back seat. Grandma is in the front and Mama is on her way back from the bathroom. The car is running and the AC is on, so I reach over and buzz the window up. Two teenage girls—dark-skin and black hair—are just outside, heading for the car next to ours, and they react to the sound of the window, leaping back and pressing themselves against their car. Their faces are momentarily stretched, mouths and eyes wide.

I smile and wave. They shrug and hurry to the other side of the car. I consider rolling the window back down and saying something helpful or reassuring. But what? And would that really be reassuring? Being noticed, having someone clearly track your reactions? Insecure and lacking confidence, I remain silent but ready.

What must it be like to know that people who just look or speak like you are being tracked and stopped, arrested, and imprisoned, forced to spend weeks proving their citizenship or legal status while being moved around between concentration camps with inadequate food and brutal conditions? It isn’t just happening to recent immigrants or to people without legal status. There are plenty of U.S. citizens who have been swept up in it. And what exactly is the moral justification for treating people that way, regardless of their citizenship?

And how helpful is it that some of us are allies? How do we show who we are without raising fears and suspicions? What exactly can we do, except be ready, be aware, pay attention, and take videos if the worst does happen?

I wish I could do better. I am seeing more and more scenes from Au revoir les enfants behind my eyes these days.

Flowering and throwing out seeds

It has been an overwhelming month.

I completed my MFA thesis—the first half of a speculative novel entitled Scent of the Open Sky about a woman with ocular albinism living in a climate-adapted, sealed city in 2083 where everything in your life is determined by your status in an instant social rating system

My 15-year-old got hit in the face with a baseball going 86 miles per hour. He has a shattered cheek bone and yet another concussion. He’ll need reconstructive surgery and titanium plates and screws in his face.

I graduated from the MFA, was told by a healthcare provider that I likely have autism, got rejected from a major literary fellowship I was really hopeful for, applied for six more, had a huge argument with a family member I usually really mesh with, and got my first short fiction published in a literary magazine.

Like I said, it’s been a lot.

So, I’m pretty much just here to say “Happy Full Moon!” And here’s the link to that story I got published—my first fiction published by someone other than me. Warning: It’s about climate refugees. It’s pretty intense. The little bit of resilience and hope is pretty gritty. But it’s a hot summer. You should totally read it. Here’s the first few lines as a teaser:

Image of a wildflower meadow on pumpkin ridge in tones of yellow and purple with a line of dark green pines at the edge - image by arie farnam

The Canteen

He was a child born at the wrong time. 

His mother was pursuing a career and his father didn’t stay. The flooding came in his sixth summer as the seawall failed, and they fled inland, driving his uncle’s electric Nissan through ankle deep water to get out of Los Angeles—his aunt and uncle and their kids, plus the boy and his mom piled in the back. His mom’s newer mini-electric stood in deeper water and wouldn’t start.

There was no work to be had inland. No jobs for legal assistants or marketing specialists or even for wireless technicians, like Uncle Derek. They had to show up at dawn in Walmart parking lots to compete for day labor. 

Then, the California grape orchards succumbed to the relentless drought and the blistering heat. Burned-out cars as well as cars that had just stopped running under the hammer of the sun lined the freeways.

Michael was the eldest of the children. His cousins were three and a newborn when they fled the drowning--yet simultaneously water-desperate--city. Eventually, they resigned themselves to a government camp in the desert. Relocation was promised month after month and then year after year. But instead more people came, and the heat got worse until people died of it, faces red and swollen, then gray and sunken with dehydration, even when there was water to drink.

They moved from one camp to another over the next four years, until they reached Boise, Idaho when he was ten. They camped near a garbage dump for several nights. It was an illegal camp, people shifting around, not officially supposed to be there. But that was where he found the canteen. 

It was dingy green and had a broken strap that hung off the back. The front had the faded script “U.S. Army.” The heat-softened plastic was no longer flat on the bottom so that it couldn’t stand up and the cap was missing. 

But Michael loved to look at the letters. When they first went into the camps, there had been military vehicles and soldiers who looked at him kindly and even gave him candy called “Skittles.”

Continue reading here.

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Arie Farnam

Arie Farnam is a war correspondent turned peace organizer, a tree-hugging herbalist, a legally blind bike rider, the off-road mama of two awesome kids, an idealist with a practical streak and author of the Kyrennei Series. She grew up outside La Grande, Oregon and now lives in a small town near Prague in the Czech Republic.

Open letters: Dear Heather

April 14, 2026

Dear Heather,

I’ve been writing to you in my mind for months now. My ritual is to set the alarm for six every morning. I struggle for consciousness in bed for fifteen minutes and check the weather while the wind chime calls in the gray light outside my window. Then, I listen to your letter on my phone while I make green tea with my little electric kettle.

I ration your letters, since you don’t write every single day. I only listen for that ten-minute interval while I make the tea. Then, I put it away. I don’t listen again until the next morning, unless you’ve written so much that there’s two full letters stacked up. Then, I might finish one later in the morning in between grad school assignments, bureaucratic meetings, and editing gigs—savoring it like sweets sneaked from my mother’s pantry when I was a child.

What would I do if you ever stopped writing these letters? I’d survive, I guess. But it would be devastating. I have never written back. I’ve thought of it. I’ve thought through whole letters to you in my mind. This is the first time I’ve ever written it down, and I won’t send this letter either.

But I’m writing today because you touch on a place near where I used to live in Central Europe. My friends there write either with bitter cynicism or cautious optimism. But you say it's the demise of a government built on “the idea that society works best if a few wealthy men run everything.” And that’s hope, isn’t it? After sixteen years of oppression. Still, you don’t push the hope too far, just a sign of positive change. We could do that, couldn’t we?

I’m glad you see that too. Not many people here are watching the news from Europe. My kettle marks me out as European here. So, when you wrote about that, I finally gave in and wrote down my letter to you. I’ll write but I won’t send it. You bring a bit of hope into my kitchen each day, even when your letters are deeply sad.

Arie

IMAGE of purple Rocky Mountain Irises in long grass - photo by Arie Farnam

April 16, 2026

Dear Heather,

My mother reads your letters too, you know. She doesn’t ration them like I do, so she’ll text me to urge me to read your latest. She has a harder time with hope than I do. I’m relatively tough. I’ve been through a few things, after all. But so has she. How does one stay that tender after living through everything she has. She tells me your letters keep her going.

I want to give her hope the way you do. I should be able to, right? Should I just focus on the positive more? Why is that so hard? My kids may be having a lot of trouble, but they’re still alive. We have food and a roof over our heads, even if it’s a bit rickety. She says our family is deeply dysfunctional and it’s her fault. She says she failed at the most important mission in her life. Not true. I came back, didn’t I? I tell her all the good things I got growing up the way we did—justice-centered values, empathy, understanding for struggling people, deep connection with the earth. Would I be the writer I am now if I hadn’t had that? She didn’t fail and if she did, aren’t I many times worse as a mother? She backs off then. She won’t let me say that, but she knows it’s true by the standards she set for herself—keeping the family together and all that.

This is why I am never going to send these letters to you. You don’t need to hear about our drama. In your letter today, you wrote about the grief after a dream is killed. You reminded me that the struggles I’m living have a long history and that how I respond matters. Your letters keep me hanging on.

Arie

Image of a red-haired woman with a yellow lab in a meadow of wildflowers - Image by Julie Farnam

April 25, 2026

Dear Heather,

Obviously, the strain gets to you too. You sound exhausted. You keep saying in letter after letter that it’s almost over, that things are crumbling. He’ll be gone soon. But it doesn’t end. Somehow, the situation keeps getting worse. Just when it seems like everything is on the brink of collapse, more things fall apart. Then, you tell me about ever more depraved abuse and criminality.

But today you went on a tangent about international law, the founding of the UN, and all the structures that made the first four decades of my life feel stable and relatively privileged, even when we were living in a shack without plumbing. I remember learning about all that as a young adult. I was so hopeful that the grown-ups were going to nail down an international court. War was going to be a thing of the past. We already had what felt like a much more stable world. I tried to tell everyone about “international rule of law” when I was twenty. I was such a nerd. It was my first big thing. I was obsessed. That’s part of why it feels like you’re talking directly to me across the kitchen table. But I feel how tired you are too.

I wish I could offer you a cup of my tea, gentle greenish yellow, earthy flavor in a sand-colored ceramic cup. I hope you stay strong, because I don’t know what we’d do without you.

Arie

April 29, 2026

Dear Heather,

I love the historical rabbit holes you go down, and I love reading about history, even the dark parts of it. But today, your letter leaves me with a deep sense of shame. It’s not your fault. Really, it’s not. It’s his fault. Only his.

You know how they’re always saying that “white children shouldn’t be made to feel ashamed of being white” in school by being taught about the history of our country. I’m old enough that I wasn’t taught any of the things that make those old men so uncomfortable. Not in school at least. I was taught about Columbus in early September every year, then the Pilgrims by Thanksgiving, and the Civil War by May. That was it for history class, and it was mind-numbingly boring.

I learned real history only by reading on my own and by talking to people who lived it. It was amazing, thrilling, shocking, terrible, and tragic. But it never made me feel ashamed. Maybe, some moments made me feel a sense of responsibility, but responsibility to do something different in the future, not responsibility for things that happened before I was born. Even though I knew the version of history I was taught in school was, in and of itself, a crime of erasure, it didn’t make me ashamed. I was a child. I had been assaulted with propaganda. I felt kinship with the Eastern European dissidents who told me about the propaganda they’d had forced on them as children. I wasn’t ashamed when I learned real history. I was angry.

But today I’m ashamed. You quoted him talking about the importance of "Anglo-Saxon bloodlines," about how the English settled “a wild and untamed continent” here, as if no Americans lived here before then and no others live here now. And it isn’t just the echoes of psychopaths of the past. It’s the violence of these lies. I feel a deep sense of shame for being primarily Anglo-Saxon when he drags my heritage through the sludge of his hate. I can’t look my friends in the eye without apologizing every other sentence. It’s humiliating.

You remind me that each of us has value and dignity. You soothe away the shame. And I’m glad for that. I will try to hold my head up and do what I must. I’ll be here with my teapot again tomorrow.

Arie

Image of a ridge-top of wildflower meadow above the mountain-ringed grand ronde valley - Image by Arie Farnam

May 10, 2026

Dear Heather,

I’m not fond of Mother’s Day anymore. I’m an adoptive mother, and when my kids were very little there was the occasional teacher who would tell them to draw a Mother’s Day picture or something similar. These usually didn’t make it home to me, and when they did, they were clearly created under duress—a heart drawn in a single wobbly line of crayon, a slapdash paper flower found at the bottom of a backpack. It wasn’t the kids’ fault. They both have developmental disabilities and ADHD. Focusing on something arbitrarily dictated by the calendar isn’t a strength.

Now, my fifteen-year-old cusses me out because I insist he brushes his teeth at least once a day. My seventeen-year-old demands why I won’t buy her “designer perfume.” Their neurology makes them such easy targets for the vultures of social media and advertising. No one else tells them it’s Mother’s Day and I’m certainly not going to mention it like I’m begging for a pinch of appreciation. I hug my mother. We visit a greenhouse full of spring beauty and walk in wildflower meadows together. But Mother’s Day still leaves me aching deep inside.

Mother’s Day just feels like another pressure point with more demands for performance on me, my mother and other mothers I know. I appreciate your letter, the idea that the original Mother’s Day was about women seizing our own power. That’s refreshing.

A woman mentioned you to me at the farmer’s market yesterday. I couldn’t even recognize her with my very nearsighted eyes. You’re becoming like a secret code. “Happy Mother’s Day! Have you read Heather’s letter?” A way to signal safety and solidarity. Keep on, please, keep on.

Arie

May 13, 2026

Dear Heather,

You’ve been grim the last few days, mostly recounting events in a dogged, weather-beaten tone. The Voting Rights Act is in tatters. You clearly feel a need to give us hope. You quote Tennessee state representative Justin Jones, “We’ll keep fighting. We will not stop getting in good trouble. We will not go back.” Those are tired stock phrases, and he’s likely to lose his job with the new map.

When you sound that exhausted, I think I should send you a letter just to say how much we appreciate you. I know you get tons of letters, thousands you can’t possibly read. You try responding to people in your letters sometimes, but you’d need a small army of staff. And I’m not a fan girl type. I have always detested celebrities. The only reason you’re an exception is because you appear to have an undisguised cold sore on your mouth in videos, you aren’t wearing makeup, and you don’t appear to have a staff to read your mail.

Dappled light falls across my page through the maple next door. Steam rises from the squat cup. My tea is brewed. All I really wanted to say is thanks for the letters. We need them.

Arie

Bones on the ridge: A memory of genocide in the land

I have always sensed grief in the land of my birth—love too, but also a vast and tender, barely covered grief.

When we give a land acknowledgement at events, we say “This is the land of the Nimiipu or Nez Perce people, the Umatilla, the Walla Walla and the Cayuse peoples.” Most locals know someone with Nez Perce or Umatilla or Walla Walla ancestry. But there are few Cayuse.

When I was a teenager, my dad had a blunt explanation: “There was a massacre. It was retaliation for something that happened over the mountains. The white settlers massacred a whole village—Cayuse, I think.”

For years, that was all I knew of it, and I envisioned this village out in the middle of the beautiful Grande Ronde Valley. That’s where you’d put a village, isn’t it?

A photo of distant women looking out from the top of pumpkin Ridge toward a vista of rolling meadows and a mountain against the cool blue sky of early spring. Image by arie farnam

Recently, I decided to go looking.

First, I found that the massacre had indeed been named “the Grande Ronde Massacre” by historians, confusing a lot of students of history because there is a town called “Grande Ronde” on the far side of Oregon. But it was here, in the valley. It has the historical distinction of being the greatest loss of life in the state of Oregon, during what white historians call “the Indian Wars.”

Could this be why I have always felt a fragility in this land, like a body on the brink of tears? I grew up living very close to the land, growing much of our own food, spending nearly every day outdoors, covered in dirt and brush scratches. I loved our ridge, Pumpkin Ridge, at the far end of the Grande Ronde Valley.

I wasn’t a particularly astute child and I think I took a lot of things for granted, especially my hard-working mother. But somehow, even as a self-centered child, I didn’t take the ridge for granted. I stroked rocks, hugged trees and thanked flowers. I truly felt gratitude for the land.

My brothers and I also wandered freely across the entirety of Pumpkin Ridge, regardless of barbed-wire fences and the frustrated remonstrations of the ranchers, whose cattle we liked to chase with wooden swords.

To the south, there was the woodlot where edible mushrooms grew, a friend’s ranch and the road to the little store in Summerville where we bought candy. To the west, there was the highest part of the ridge, rugged slopes of gray, igneous boulders and pine trees and then a windswept prairie covered with wildflowers. To the North, there were houses with a few other kids, ponds and embankments where kids could build dugout forts. To the East, where our home faced, there was a large cattle pasture and beyond it a second high ridge.

I liked to hike up to the east ridge, where the wildflowers were particularly spectacular and look back at our little cabin across the hollow. But as a child, I was afraid to go further. Once I ventured into the grassy swale beyond the ridge-line and felt a wave of unprovoked, intense fear. The fences were no tighter than anywhere else, but I felt an intuitive barrier.

Forbidden!

As an adult, I pushed beyond that boundary but the land there still felt eerily silent. There were flowers but not much bird song. Pesticides used by the ranchers, I thought. Then, on the road down to Elgin, I came over the hill on a walk last year, and the whole slope was clearcut. The smell of diesel and dying trees, the jumble of earth and logs and branches, like coming across the scene of a rape or murder, the victim still splayed out on the ground, but the deed done and nothing to be done but cry.

I doubled over, sobbing. The grief I had felt in the land for so long, wracking my body with pain. I squatted down on the dirt road for long minutes, trying to pull myself together. Why? Who still does clearcuts these days? They know better. It destroys the land for so long. With the dry summers, it’s nearly impossible for trees to regrow.

I pulled myself together and went home, swearing I’d never go to that side of the ridge again.

Over several months, a niggling, whispering demand returned to my mind again and again. I must find the location of the Grande Ronde Massacre.

When I found the description in an article in The Oregon Encyclopedia by Willliam L. Lang, I felt—rather than a bolt of shock that it could be so close to the place where I grew up—a deep recognition. Of course, it was there. My body had known it all along.

Just below that eastern slope of the ridge the Grande Ronde River loops through secluded, rocky meadows between the tiny towns of Summerville and Elgin. It was there at the foot of our ridge that the Cayuse and Walla Walla peoples had a summer village in the early 1800s. The sunny meadows between the river and the evergreen forest were a perfect habitat for camas, the delicate blue flowers with nutritious starchy tubers that they harvested and stored for yearlong sustenance.

In the summer of 1856, Washington Territorial Governor Isaac I. Stevens gave orders for soldiers both regular troops and “volunteers” to hunt down and kill all “hostile Native forces” in retaliation for an attack on white miners several hundred miles away on the eastern side of the Cascade Mountains. A certain Col. Benjamin Shaw in command of some of the “volunteers” learned of the location of that village.

On July 17, 1856, Shaw’s contingent of 175 mounted… (I struggle with the word here. Lang uses the euphemism of “volunteers.” I’m tempted to say “terrorists” but in a more sober frame of mind one might say “paramilitary combatants.”)

Whatever they were, they fell upon the Native village of mostly women and children harvesting camas and other plants. There were a few young warriors present with horses, but most of the men were away. Those few boys stood little chance to defend their families.

Shaw wrote in his report, “The enemy was on the gallop for 15 miles, and most of those who fell were shot with the revolver.” This detail out of the past stabs into me. They chased these people at speed for fifteen miles. They weren’t warriors, because the soldiers didn’t kill them with rifles or long guns in battle. They were mostly women and children, running on the ground, where a revolver could be wielded at close range from the vantage of horseback.

Another bit of the record comes from a Capt. Walter DeLacy under Shaw’s command. “Such was the impetuosity of the charge that many of their women even were unable to escape and were overtaken in the pursuit.” The exact number of those killed isn’t known, though scholars estimate that at least sixty, most of them women and children, were murdered, based primarily on the writings of DeLacy and other corroborating evidence.

These kinds of stories, lost in the past and told mainly in numbers, often feel divorced from reality and human emotion. It’s DeLacy’s description of objects that hits me hardest: “At least 200 packs were scattered over this distance, containing all their winter provisions, furniture, mats and in fact everything they possessed. In returning from the pursuit, we burned all of these as far as camp…we came to the Indian village, where 120 lodges were counted. It was burnt.”

Some escaped, I hope, given the numbers of dwellings, and the estimate of something over sixty dead. But they were stripped of all of their gear. Shaw rounded up several hundred horses, selected and stole the best of them and then slaughtered the rest to ensure the starvation of the remaining civilian population.

As my country enters a new war in a distant land, I am shamed and saddened. I tell people about what I learned of the Grande Ronde Massacre and no one knows the history. It happened about 2 miles from where I was born in the loft of a scrap-lumber shack. There should be a monument. It should be taught in school, so that we learn from history.

If we, as a nation, remembered better what our country came from, might we think more deeply when choosing leaders, who might jet off to start new wars?

I am of the aggressors in this valley, closer at least to them in history and blood. I have no natural right to roots here. And yet, I feel deep connection to and gratitude for the land. My body felt the grief and wounding of the land on the east side of the ridge even before I knew the history.

Does the earth track our genes or bloodlines? Or does the body of the land call to the humming, throbbing body of soft flesh, pulsing blood and hard bone and whisper that we choose who we will be with each step we take from here on forward?

Ice as healer, as delight, as dire need as well as terror

Nearly every day, I walk with my guide dog Conway on Fir Street toward the railroad crossing to the downtown area of La Grande, Oregon to shop at the health-food store, to put up protest posters or to pick up a prescription for my mom, who is recovering from knee surgery. For weeks, the weather has been cold but extremely dry in Eastern Oregon. There isn’t a speck of snow or ice in the valley, and the sun was brilliant.

On one particular block, we have to steer off the sidewalk and into the grass, because someone scattered salt on that sidewalk when snow and ice seemed likely in early January, but it hasn’t come for several weeks, and with the weather so dry, the salt remains to sting and erode the paws of a patient working dog, who wouldn’t flinch but would spend the evening nursing raw feet, if I’m not careful.

Ice--its presence, its ravages, its absence, and the need for it--is the tangled theme of my life these days. For the first time in my life, I’ve been the caregiver for my mother, instead of the other way around, while she recovers from surgery. Three times a day, I lift chill, wet bottles out of the machine that bathes her knee in ice water to keep the swelling to merely twice its normal size and replace them with bottles frozen hard as stone from the outside freezer.

My hands are cold. The sub-freezing air stings my face when I step out early in the morning to let Conway pee and switch out the ice bottles. Conway frolics across the yard and spins around the dormant lilac tree, delighted with the glittering ice crystals left on the grass by morning dew.

Creative commons image by Eric Wüstenhagen - Ice crystals shine in the light against a dark background

Ice is good. It’s a blessing, a healing, a joy. And I actually wish we had more of it right now, for the sake of the summer drought and the glaciers melting at the earth’s poles. Now the weather is breaking but bringing a drizzle of rain and warmer temperatures, instead of ice and snow. No one even talks about climate change anymore. Not in my town. Not on the news.

I say the word “ice” a couple of dozen times a day in reference to the roads, the weather, my mother’s knee, the state of my unreliable freezer or Conway’s delight. But of course, because I’m a journalist and a news junkie, I hear it hundreds of times per day in an entirely different context.

The cries of Native American grandmothers arrested while driving home, of the mother of an abducted US-citizen teenager, of the family of another US citizen--an elderly man--led outside in the extreme cold of Minnesota in his underwear, of a pregnant woman slammed to the pavement with a heavy knee in her back, of peaceful protesters beaten and pepper-sprayed directly in the face, and of those watching as a second citizen was shot down, murdered in cold blood echo from my tablet.

My mother pleads for me to use headphones. She knows, but she is trapped in a recliner with her knee up in the air, soaked in ice. She has no defenses.

ICE. It chills me every time I say the word in this context. I catch a ride downtown to a protest, where our signs rail against ICE. This time I don’t bring Conway. His ears are too delicate for the shouting, and we never know when things might get rough, even here. Even legally blind, I’m more equipped to handle crisis than my anxious, highly trained guide.

Not to mention the fact that I walk everywhere alone in this town most of the time, and I don’t need another way to be easily identifiable to the rabid cultists who blare by in their coal-rolling pickups, spitting hate and curse words out their windows. Cowards that they are, they don’t attack when there are a few hundred of us at a protest, but like wolves, they look for those who have been separated from the crowd.

I feel ice shoot down my spine as a pick-up truck slows and follows me for a couple of blocks on Fir Street. I don’t look around, but there is little reason for the vehicle to move at my walking pace, other than recognition and politics.

So, I wear a mask at protests. Icy wind chills my face after an hour and a half in the cold anyway. I return to the warmth of my home and change out the ice bottles in the machine again. Now the news says the United States is on the brink of invading Greenland, the land of glacier ice, named deceptively by ancient Vikings who didn’t know about oil and rare minerals, but claimed the frigid coast for Denmark anyway. As Europe lodges bewildered diplomatic protests, the US president says NATO allies are a greater threat to America than China or Russia.

I spent time in Russia and Kazakhstan back in the 1990s. The cold was as severe as it has been recently in Minnesota. It was cold so brutal that any bare skin could be frostbitten within minutes. Day-time temperatures topped out around negative twenty degrees Fahrenheit in the even in November.

For a time, I worked with an Afghan newspaper editor named Aref Jahesh, trying to make a video documentary about migration. He brought me to the homes of his friends and family, fellow Afghan refugees, and I’d sit on the floor with the children, eating flat bread with exquisitely spiced chutneys. Afterwards, we’d walk out into the frozen streets of Alma Ata, the ground covered with a sheer layer of black ice and a light dusting of new snow. Multiple times each day, Jahesh would take a step, shout and land hard on his back against the ice. I’d skate over to him on my heavy-treaded boots and give him a hand up.

Finally, one day he complained and asked why I never fell. He did actually have good boots too, for a wonder. I thought about it all that day, and in the end, I told him my theory. As a legally blind person, I always walk on suspicious ground. I’m never sure of the reality I think I see through extremely blurry vision. I always walk as if there could be ice or an unexpected gray-on-gray curb at the next step. I’m always ready to adapt.

Today, just listening to the news, I feel like Jahesh walking on that invisible ice.

Reality is shifting. There’s no ice under my feet here, though there should be in late January. Instead, my inner world feels slick and unreliable. Wasn’t it just a few years ago, I was on the other side of the Atlantic and worried about the expansion of NATO because of its implications of imperialism?

We pray for ice and glaciers, though we are cold. We fear ICE scouring the land, disappearing our neighbors, beating up random passersby, shooting to kill. The NRA is standing up for a liberal protester killed ostensibly for just having a legally carried gun. Progressives and leftists cling to NATO as the last hope of the free world. The US administration is closer to dictators in Russia and China than it is to Europe.

My hands are freezing. My ears are warm inside bulky headphones. I can no longer stand alone on this slippery surface.

Comment

Arie Farnam

Arie Farnam is a war correspondent turned peace organizer, a tree-hugging herbalist, a legally blind bike rider, the off-road mama of two awesome kids, an idealist with a practical streak and author of the Kyrennei Series. She grew up outside La Grande, Oregon and now lives in a small town near Prague in the Czech Republic.

Courage somehow to face the mornings

The shadows of a dying day straggle across the wall. Forgotten Solstice lights glow against the fading golden light. The papery, pale tan vines of dried up nasturtiums trail across the front porch outside the window.

The old year is withered. It wasn’t one we generally wanted to hang on to. It feels fine to let go of the old this time. I’ll take down the lights soon. I’ll clean up the desiccated vines.

I am ready to let go of the things that have burdened me and wasted my time. I feel at peace with letting go of some struggles and roles that I felt very strongly about even a few months ago. I am so ready for a new start in my personal life.

And yet, I know the world isn’t really ready.

We’re mired in rising neo-fascism. It feels so much like 1935 or so in Central Europe that I can’t really look ahead to the next year or ten years with much hope beyond a kind of grim determination. If I dwell on them, there are a hundred reasons to say we’re actually worse off than people in 1935, but the main one of those is that we already know what happened in 1945, and we don’t know this time. We don’t know what’s coming, how bad it may get or if sanity will ever return.

A woman's reflection in dirty water below a window in a bleak scene of hope versus despair

Creative Commons image by The Whisperer in the Shadows

I comfort myself, “They didn’t know either.”

That’s the clearest thing one gets from reading history books. People in the 1930s had no reason to believe the rise of fascism wouldn’t be forever. Fascism was strong, even in the US in those years. People forget that. There was no guarantee that the US would end up on the right side of history that time.

We did. Thank goodness. But it could have gone the other way. Key industrialists, such as Henry Ford, and significant pro-Nazi organizations, such as the German American Bund and the KKK, pushed fascist ideology. The US was simultaneously plagued by Jim Crow segregation laws, rampant racism, the ongoing genocide of Native Americans and the Great Depression during those years. Those who stood up to fascism at the time had little reason for hope, though the US was then merely one of the peripheral areas threatened by the insidious spread of full fascism.

Now we’re at the epicenter of it. We are now the place where fascism is rising and it’s other countries that have to wrestle with how to deal with this 500 pound gorilla with nuclear weapons and with their own domestic wannabe-fascist movements at the same time.

I wish them luck and steadfast courage. I hope against hope all this won’t lead to war or extensive violence. It’s already hurting so many innocent people while the guilty grifters and predators gloat and point fingers from their seats of power and unimaginable wealth.

Today, we’re told that “empathy is a weakness” and “AI will make work obsolete.” We aren’t told what will happen to all these working humans, if their work is deemed “unnecessary.”

So far, what we have are empty fields and employers at their wits’ end because many of the most essential jobs that were done by immigrants are going un-done because our immigrant neighbors are living through the nightmare of being hunted, beaten and detained, usually for no discernible reason. Most of those detained by ICE and similar agencies are NOT undocumented or even in any violation of immigration standards. Most are simply suspected of being immigrants, and because there is no due process in the system, it often takes days or weeks to prove that one is a U.S. citizen or a legal immigrant.

Sometimes the individual has already been deported by the time they can gain access to lawyers and documents to prove their status. Sometimes they’ve “merely” been beaten, starved, frozen and detained in concentration-camp-like conditions for a few weeks. They’ve suffered health consequences.

At least one pregnant mother lost her child after being abused by officers and thrown roughly to the ground. And we only know about that particular case because someone caught it on video. How many others are there unknown and unseen?

There truly is not much difference between this and what was happening in Nazi Germany in 1935. Remember, that was before the death camps and the “final solution.” This is how it started—the erosion of democracy, denial of due process, mass arrests, detention camps. People initially returned from those camps, just as they do today, with terrible tales to tell and shaky health. It really is eerily repetitive.

In 1935, the US had it’s own fascists, aspiring to what the Nazis were doing. It also had segregation laws and the Great Depression with most of the country sunk so deep in economic desperation that people couldn’t think straight. But there was one really beautiful thing that happened in 1935, which I was required to write a paper about last term in graduate school—a twenty-four-year-old woman named Josephine Johnson became the youngest person ever to win the Pulitzer Prize.

Her record still stands.

Out of about a hundred people who have won the Pulitzer Prize since it was founded in 1918, only 31 have been women, and only 17 of them have been under the age of forty. Only TWO winners ever were in their twenties when they won.

Josephine Johnson wrote about a family struggling to survive on a Dustbowl farm in Now in November, a hauntingly beautiful and deeply emotional novel which is almost never assigned in literature courses today. The competition that year included such classics as F. Scott Fitzgerald’s Tender is the Night and James M. Caine’s The Postman Always Rings Twice. Johnson’s work prevailed both in front of the committee and at bookstores. But Johnson and her work were both wiped from literary society in 1939, despite the extensive success of Now in November, which sold out in pre-sales before it was even fully published, and of her second novel.

Scholars don’t know why she disappeared, but there are facts that speak quiet, uncomfortable truths.

In 1936, a year after she received the prize Johnson was arrested for “encouraging dairy workers to strike.” Her later books became more overtly political in terms of calling for more equitable economic policies and redistribution of fraudulently obtained extreme wealth. In 1939, the anti-Communist witch hunt of the House Committee on Un-American Activities first began, though it is best known for its activities in the 1950s.

Coincidence?

I think not. You’ve likely never heard of Now in November or Josephine Johnson because of the vast wave of fascism that stormed the world ninety years ago. She wrote 11 books in all and died in obscurity in 1990. She was almost certainly a victim of political censorship and blacklisting.

And yet, her first book Now In November survives today. It’s hard to find print copies, but a professor assigned it to me and a handful of my classmates anyway. A few recent scholars have marveled at the incredible lyricism and the precision of every single sentence. I did an experiment in class where we turned to random points in the book to see if we could catch Johnson with a sentence that you wouldn’t want to be quoted on or even a boring, filler sentence. Couldn’t find one.

It’s “nearly perfect” and “just unbelievably good” in terms of writing craft and skill, as the initial reviews said. It’s also emotionally heavy and linguistically dense for modern readers, so beware, but certainly go read it if you’re up for an adventure.

The final image of the book, the thing that Johnson leaves the reader with in the final lines is an answer of sorts to the despair of her time, and as good as we’re likely to get in the despair of our own times: “I cannot believe this is the end. Nor can I believe that death is more than the blindness of those living. And if this is only the consolation of a heart in its necessity, or that easy faith born of despair, it does not matter, since it gives us courage somehow to face the mornings. Which is as much as the heart can ask at times.”

We could wish for a bit more than the “courage somehow to face the mornings,” but damn, we need that bare minimum. “Faith born of despair” and “the consolation of a heart in its necessity,” these are the things Johnson says build that courage. Hope in spite of reason, and the comfort of knowing that we must go on because of the needs of those who depend on us.

That’s it. That’s how I’m going on in this New Year. I’m with Johnson. I’m with her for that bit of encouragement from the other side of a 90-year political silencing.

Last Thanksgiving, it was that which drew me to give thanks for the precious bits of survival that have been passed to us, for Johnson’s work of youthful genius beyond all odds; for the wisdom of Native American grandmothers and grandfathers, those who survived genocide and carried knowledge of the earth and sustainable, equitable living to us; for the teachings of civil rights activists who endured jail. beatings and murdered friends so that their messages might be passed down to us; even for the tattered whisperings of ancient Druids, early casualties of colonialism and imperialism, which are mostly unintelligible now and yet there is something they managed to save.

These bits and pieces. Maybe that’s all that will survive our wave of fascism as well, some small fragment of hope or wisdom or understanding from whoever among us makes it through. We must strive to survive, because of the despair and darkness that would have been left to us, if those who came before us had given in.

There are those in the future who will reach back to our time for hope beyond reason, for inspiration and for clues about how to survive whatever comes for them. We now carry the torch.

Flash writing: "Inventory," "Instructions to an adopted child," and "Earth Mother"

Perhaps you’ve noticed that I’m a bit wordy. My Master of Fine Arts program is working on improving that.

I’m headed for surgery next week, amid holidays, so things are hectic. Instead of writing another long post, I’m sending you a couple ultra short (mostly fictional) pieces that came out of school assignments. I couldn’t help but make them relevant to the times, but seriously, dear readers, someone read the first one and worried that I was having financial trouble, instead of worrying that I was under investigation by the FBI. If this piece were nonfiction, I’d think the second connotation would be worse. In any event, hopefully, you’ll enjoy something new and unconventional.

I have three short pieces to share: "Inventory of objects on a subject's desk," written from the perspective of a surveillance officer looking into protest activity; "Instructions to an adopted child," a snippet of dialogue that tells the story of the desperation white parents of adopted brown children feel when they start waking up to reality; and "Earth Mother," a super short prose poem from an uncommon perspective.

photo of protesters on a main road with signs reading “shop local,” “no thanks to corporate greed,” “shop small,” and “corporate greed kills community.” - image by julie farnam

Inventory of objects on subject’s desk

  • Three pens (Two dried up)

  • An old-fashioned manual nutcracker made of stainless steel

  • A check payable to the order of the subject from the State of Washington for $8.16

  • A Medicaid insurance card in subject’s name, ID no. BD78934A

  • An after-visit summary document for subject’s child from a dentist, outstanding bill $154

  • Electric bill in subject’s name for $216.29

  • A stack of seven stapled, hand-written papers in widely varied childish hands, with commas and editing marks added in blue pen

  • Empty packaging for an iPhone 13 screen protector

  • Samsung TV remote control (TV is in the other room)

  • Battered Apple MacBook with pieces of plastic flaking off corners, locked with code.

  • Sticky notes on computer reading: “Call Jen about getting on Signal.” “Sandy’s medication management appt – Tues. 2:30” “FREEZE WARNING! Cover garden on Mon. night!” “Call water company about brown, stinky water.” “Return call about Cascade editing gig.” “Call insurance fuckers and deal with fuckery” (punctures show extreme force in writing)

  • Nearly empty roll of packing tape

  • 5 fat black markers, 2 fat red markers, 1 fat blue marker, all nearly used up

  • Scissors with pink plastic handles

  • Long-neck lamp with stainless steel base

  • Small plastic bag with a child’s costume jewelry inside—a plastic ring, a locket with a yellow plastic fixture, and a metal broach

  • A bookmark advertising the subject’s book launch ten years ago

  • A laminated vaccination record in Spanish for the subject’s child

  • Canine heart-worm and tick medication in original packaging

  • Safeway receipt for cucumbers, lemon juice, chicken thighs and mozzarella cheese: $44.19 (Noted: SNAP balance remaining $3.22)

  • Letter from OHP denying care for mental health care for subject’s child

  • Letter from OHP denying care for subject’s postoperative recovery medication

  • Stack of more than 100 fliers for protest at City Hall: Saturday at 1:00 pm, decorated with a red-painted fist

  • Fidget toy made of interconnected triangles in blue and purple designs

Instructions to an adopted child (2025 edition)

“Honey, please sit down a minute.”

“I want you to listen, just for a bit because this is important. When you’re in town, you know what to do if you’re stopped by police, right? Just like we practiced, you call them ‘Sir’ or ‘Ma’am.’ You keep your hands out to your sides where they can see them. You ask, ‘Am I free to go?’ And if they say, ‘yes,’ you walk away slowly.”

“You remember all that, right? We practiced.”

“Well, now we need to add something. You also need to say, ‘I’m an American citizen.’ Can you repeat that for me?”

“Yeah, that’s great! If the police stop you, you tell them you’re a citizen. And even if someone who isn’t police stops you, you say that. ‘I’m an American citizen.’ Remember, okay?”

“If they don’t let you leave, you say, ‘I need to call my mom.” You keep saying those two things and say my phone number. Do you remember it? Go ahead. You might not get to use your phone. You have to remember it.”

“Good job! You just keep saying it. Don’t say anything else. Just ‘I’m an American citizen. I need to call my mom.’ Don’t answer questions. Just say that over and over.”

“No, honey! You can’t-- Don’t yell at them. It’s not funny! And you can’t call them names!”

“Listen! For real. Right now, kids with brown skin are being disappeared. This is how we try to keep you safe.”

Earth Mother

I call you up out of the humus of my soil, to rise with eyes and voice lifted toward hope, calling out your need for purpose—you, children of this wayward ape species, called into awareness by fire, by flint, by these damnable words that you call your exceptional birthright—and calling hopelessly, as you do, for mercy when you are in the pain of a body; I call you into being not because I am cruel or devoid of meaning, but because my molten heart could not resist your poignant voices calling.

The real "us against them": We must all come together to face economic predators

Once native people lived all across this land—18 million by many estimates. They had thriving towns, farms, cities, nations with laws and vast lands populated by ancient tribes.

The first Europeans to come may have been among the privileged and well-connected, sent by monarchs to claim land for their overlords. But more followed and these were mostly the poor--the workers, the landless, the desperate, those set outside the law. They worked on indenture or were beholden to company towns. And things went even worse for the native people, who died by genocide and disease. Then the overlords brought African people to this land, already in chains.

It is hard to sort out who was more victim and how many times. Often the greatest injustices were those perpetrated by some who were already victims themselves. When poor landless whites faced the choice between starvation labor in eastern factories or a desperate trek to occupy land where native people still lived, they were already caught in a trap. If they wanted a hope of living free at least for a few generations, the choice was to send the men on ahead to scout a piece of land, mark the corners and then travel back east to register their claim. Then they moved their families west in a migration so hard and dangerous that only sheer desperation could spur them to it. And the people already on the land often fought back.

Creative commons image of light snow over fall leaves in front of a rundown neighborhood view by James jordan via flickr.com

There were exceptions, of course. There were a few who crossed the cultural divide and joined forces—white and native together. And these often were the strongest of them, but they were rarely allowed anything but the margins of society. They were, after all, the greatest threat to the rulers of industry and commerce--people of the lower classes, joined across divides.

Today, most of the people who support Trump’s overtly racist regime are poor and marginalized themselves. The administration is seeking a second ethnic cleansing of our country, and those they call to do the dirty work (the deputized paramilitaries called “federal agents”) are those only somewhat less desperate--the people who were recently forced from steady middle-class jobs by the machinations of technology giants and international finance. They were never given much beyond a factory-work education, and all that talk of retraining them for new technologies was never serious. Instead, they’ll be used, at least temporarily, as masked agents to rip families apart, brutalize those with the “wrong” skin color, tear people from their homes and deport people to countries they have often never lived in at all.

I live in a scrappy, working-class neighborhood in a red town in a deep red county. There are known “meth houses” on nearly every block. But interspersed with them, side by side, there are the homes of struggling families, people who work full-time at Walmart and can’t afford food, people who work at the trailer plant or on the railroad or in timber. A few work for the schools or as social workers. Some are retired.

The better houses here are the ones with patchy, partly green lawns and a few flowers. The homes are low and weathered, but the people who are still trying have painted a bit of trim semi-recently or fixed a broken step. There are no easy places here—only the homes of those who have given up and of those who are still fighting for another day of survival.

And most of them support the regime of ethnic cleansing. They want someone to blame for their struggle because it’s obvious to everyone that it should not be this hard, that working full-time has to be enough to survive. There must, then, be someone stealing away our hopes.

Their myriad screens have an answer. It’s the foreigners, the immigrants, the furtive brown faces at windows in some of the rental homes on the edges of town, in the agricultural camps along back roads in the summer, in the back lots of construction-supply stores. “They are the problem.” They are “criminals” or just vaguely “illegal” to begin with. And most of my neighbors believe it.

I try to tell them the facts, the history, the way it’s always been. These quiet neighbors of ours are not illegal. Many are not even immigrants. Some have lived here since before white people came. Others have lived here for 30 years or for a few generations. Many have no other home. But most importantly, they are like us, just struggling to survive. They work for less, take less, exist on less even than we do. And it’s all because of the same thing—the tyrants of industry and commerce, slightly changed in their methods from 200 or 400 years past, but essentially the same, and in an eerie number of cases, they have the same family names, passed down by wealth and privilege.

When, on occasion, my neighbors allow me to explain this, their eyes drift across the tracks, to the nicer houses across town, the tall windows and gabled rooves, the pretty yards with plentiful water and old trees. These, they nod, are the rich. But it’s hard for them to believe that these people are the enemy. They are the doctors who helped their old parents, the lawyers who settled their divorce, the professors who taught the lucky few who went to college and the people who work in the offices. They know them far more than they know those furtive shifters, and so they return to their original belief quickly enough.

I cross the tracks nearly every day, to go to the little health-food shop, the farmers’ market, the bank, the doctor’s office or some other errand. Most of my neighbors drive over the tracks in battered sedans and belching pick-ups. I walk, the gray wind whipping my coat around my knees, because I cannot drive and have no vehicle. And nearly every day, a train stops on the tracks, carrying our timber off to distant cities, carrying away the trailers from the plant, carrying back crates and crates of things sold to us down at Walmart and the other big stores, and more than anything carrying all the goods of America from city to city, merely passing through our mountains. The trains block the road for a good 30 minutes and I stand in the icy wind of winter or the scorching heat of summer.

And when I can wait no longer or when I must get to a doctor’s appointment if I don’t want to lose my place in a waiting game of many months, I call a friend to give me a ride. He drives a red 4Runner and he lives in one of those bigger, nicer houses on the other side of the tracks. He can drive around the blocked railroad on the larger roads to get me. He’s a kindly older man, a friend of my mother’s, who has worked as an insurance appraiser all his life. Because of that, he can be certain that he has earned all he has--his comfortable house in the better part of town with a large yard and in-ground swimming pool and two vehicles in a two-car garage. He worked for what he has, and he looks at the broken-down houses of my neighborhood with benevolent disdain.

“They just need to work a little harder. They’ll see. It’s about effort.”

He too supports the ethnic cleansing, the tyrannical president and the billionaire rulers. “The rich pay the vast majority of taxes,” he tells me on our short drive.

He’s not wrong as far as the taxes go. The top 10 percent of income-earners in the US pay 70 percent of federal taxes. The top 50 percent of earners pay a whopping 97 percent of income taxes. That means half the country pays just three percent of the taxes.

“The whiners just think money grows on trees.” He looks out at the shabby gray houses and the barren streets.

But there he’s wrong. To be at the 50 percent mark of American incomes, one has to earn about $38,000 per year. That’s in a country where economists estimate a family needs at least $100,000 per year to obtain basic necessities, including housing and health security. Those in the lower 50 percent of incomes aren’t paying a lot in taxes because they are struggling just to survive.

But his underlying assumption--that those my neighbors see as wealthy are also struggling--is correct. People at the “top 10 percent” mark of incomes are not the super wealthy. They are upper-middle class with incomes over $250,000 per year. Certainly, that’s comfortable, but it isn’t outrageous or a guarantee that hardship will never strike again. And in fact, they are losing ground in this economy along with everyone else.

We are used to hearing economists complain that the average employee’s inflation-adjusted salary in the US has stagnated over the last 50 years, while the incomes of the wealthiest 1 percent have ballooned (by more than 400 percent, in fact). But what is less often said is that even the upper-middle class has lost ground in terms of their share of wealth over the past half century.

One major measure of the health and balance of an economy is the percentage of wealth owned by various economic classes. As astronomical incomes have flowed to the top 1 percent over the past few decades, the share of all the things of economic value in the US (savings, property, stocks, etc.) owned by the top 1 percent has increased from about 22 percent of US wealth in the late 1980’s to 31 percent today.

Given how much the poor and middle class have suffered in recent years, one might assume this is mainly because the very richest are exploiting those classes to gain wealth. But while that contributes, most of their gain came on the backs of what is called “the next 9,” the upper middle class people who are in the top 10 percent, but below the top 1 percent. That group owned 37 percent of US wealth in 1989 and now owns about 33 percent.

At the same time the cost of a college education is 7 times (700 percent) higher than it was 50 years ago, and the cost of a medium home is 20 times (2,000 percent) higher. These costs and most other real costs of living for middle and upper-middle-class families far outstrip the official “inflation rate” which is mainly based on the cost of minor consumer goods.

Although my neighbors on the other side of the tracks may think of the comfortable houses in my friend’s neighborhood as “the rich,” we are all actually in the same “not the top 1 percent” category. My friend is correct that he and his cohort pay tax rates between 26 and 37 percent. What he doesn’t realize is that the wealthiest individuals use a variety of tax loopholes (unrealized capital gains, long-term capital gains, off-shore accounts and things like the “buy, borrow, die” strategy) to avoid paying taxes. The very wealthiest people in our society pay as little as 3.4 percent of their incomes in taxes. Many of the top corporations pay nothing at all and instead receive massive government subsidies.

There is a gigantic monstrosity of an elephant in our national living room that very few of us are acknowledging. We are constantly reminded about the deep divide between red and blue, liberal and conservative, black and white, old and young, even men and women or some other dividing line. All the while, the real divide is 99 percent of the population versus a handful of economic predators.

While it’s possible that not everyone who has ever been in the top 1 percent is an economic predator--using unethical business practices, tax gimmicks, legalized bribery and massive disinformation campaigns to abuse, disenfranchise and exploit the rest of the nation--many have and they continue to.

My struggling, impoverished, Trump-voting neighbors should not be my enemies. Immigrants as well as well-rooted Americans of all colors and speaking various languages have done us no harm and should be natural allies. Even my friend from across the tracks and his more comfortable neighbors have more in common with us than they do with the predators that exploit and divide us.

If we could just realize this and stand firmly against economic exploitation and the legalized bribery that controls our political system, we would all benefit. There is no zero-sum game among us. We all gain if we take down the predators. We all lose if we don’t.